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ABC OF ANARCHISM

Price: £6.00
ISBN 10: 
0 900384 03 4
ISBN 13: 
978 0 900384 03 5
Number of pages: 
147
First published: 
1929 as parts 2 and 3 of the larger work entitled "What Is Communist Anarchism?"
This edition: 
2006
Blurb: 

"Our social institutions are founded on certain ideas and as long as these are generally believed, the institutions built on them are safe. Government remains strong because people think political authority and legal compulsion necessary. Capitalism will continue as long as such an economic system is considered adequate and just. The weakening of the ideas which support the evil and oppressive present-day conditions means the ultimate breakdown of government and capitalism. Progress consists of abolishing what man has outlived and substituting in its place a more suitable environment.”

Contents: 

Alexander Berkman: An Introduction -- Peter E. Newell, December 1970

Author’s  Foreword -- Paris, 1928

1:     INTRODUCTION
Capitalism and government stand for disorder and violence. Anarchism the reverse. Why anarchists have             sometimes resorted to violence. If you support government don't pretend to be shocked by individual violence. Denial of coercive authority the only sincere protest against violence.

2:     IS ANARCHISM VIOLENCE?
Could we do without government? What would happen if we abolish it? Private ownership of the means of social existence would have to go with government. Economic equity leads to voluntary communism which is communist anarchism. Fundamental difference between free and compulsory communism.

3:     WHAT IS ANARCHISM?
Could we do without government? What would happen if we abolish it? Private ownership of the means of social existence would have to go with government. Economic equity leads to voluntary communism which is communist anarchism. Fundamental difference between free and compulsory communism.

4:     IS ANARCHY POSSIBLE?
What part is government playing in your life? Man a social being: his wants and inclinations make for association and mutual effort. Most evils result from oppresion and inequality. Crime the legitimate offspring of coercive authority. How anarchists would treat criminals.

5:     WILL COMMUNIST ANARCHISM WORK?
The character of equal opportunity. Social ownership and participation. Laziness implies the right man in the wrong place. Freedom means diversification, it would make life more interesting and richer.

6:     NON-COMMUNIST ANARCHISTS
Brief outline of mutualism and individual anarchism.

7:     WHY REVOLUTION?
We are still barbarians in that nations still fight instead of making common cause. We'll become civilised only when the struggle of classes is ended. The masters of life determined to preserve their mastery. Why revolution is unavoidable.

8:     THE IDEA IS THE THING
Government and capitalism, through evils, continue to exist because you believe in them and support them. Institutions once universally considered right are now condemned. Rebellion is blind; revolution is rebellion become conscious of its aims. Character of the social revolution.

9:     PREPARATION
Modern revolution does not mean barricades. Vicious notion of labour's "historic mission". Not the mission but the interest of the workers to emancipate themselves. Difference between political and social revolution. Brains as well as hands.

10:   ORGANISATION OF LABOUR FOR THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION
Production, distribution and communication basic sources of existence. The General Strike as the beginning of social revolution. Why most strikes are lost. False principles and ineffective of present day unions. Shop committee as the unit of organised labour. Taking over industry.

11:    PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICE
Strength of the revolution not in armies but in industry. The role of justice. Why the social revolution depends on liberty and equity.

12:    CONSUMPTION AND EXCHANGE
Organisation of consumption. Equal sharing. Uselessness of money. "Whoever doesn't work doesn't eat" a vicious principle fraught with evil results. Local safety and sanitation. Supreme importance of idealism in revolution.

13:    PRODUCTION
Industry in the reconstruction period. Socialisation of industry eliminated many complex problems of the capitalist system. More labour used today to sell than to produce. Importance of decentralisation. A country in revolution must make itself self-supporting. Small-scale production and home industries.

14:    DEFENCE OF THE REVOLUTION
What constitutes the real strength of the revolution. Factory and soldier committees the fountainhead of revolutionary defence and action. Treatment of counter-revolutionaries. Suppression and terror destructive. Liberty and equality the best defence.

[7 photographs reproduced throughout the text]

Reviews: 

Peter E. Newell in the Socialist Standard

ABC of Anarchism by Alexander Berkman [Freedom Press (Anarchist Classics) 2002 edition, 112 pages]

First published in the United States, in 1929, under the title What is Communist Anarchism?, this slightly shortened version has been reprinted 12 times by Freedom Press. The present edition also reprints an introductory biography of Berkman, originally written by this writer in 1970 for the fifth edition.

Many of the words and phrases in the ABC of Anarchism were dated thirty years ago, and are even more so now. Nevertheless, it is still one of the best introductions to the ideas of anarchism, written from the communist-anarchist viewpoint. Berkman's knowledge of economics in general, and Marxist economics in particular, is somewhat shaky, although he has no time for capitalism and the profit system, unlike some anarchists such as individualists and mutualists. Like Marxists, Berkman argues that “there is a continuous warfare between capital and labour”. Again, as with other anarchists, he claims that communist-anarchists “are at one on the basic principle of abolishing government”. He sees government, rather than private-property society that needs and perpetuates government and the coercive state, as the main cause of humanity's problems. Like his companion, Emma Goldman, Berkman was not always consistent regarding governments. On their return to Russia in 1919, they were quite sympathetic towards the Bolsheviks and the Soviet government, but soon criticised Lenin and Trotsky for jailing and executing anarchists, Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries.

Berkman admits that some anarchists have thrown bombs, and have advocated violence, but argues that anarchism is not about bombs, disorder or chaos. He says that anarchists “have no monopoly on violence”, and that governments have committed far more acts of violence than anarchists. For Berkman, anarchism is the very opposite of violence.

As a communist-anarchist, Berkman advocates a system without commodity-production or any “price system”, wages or payment of money. “This”, he says, “logically leads to ownership in common and to joint use. Which is a sensible, just, and equitable system, and is known as communism”. And “work will become a pleasure instead of the deadening drudgery it is today”. His views are similar to those of William Morris in as far as, in communism, people will no longer be employed in useless toil, but will be appreciated according to their willingness to be socially useful. People will live in freedom and equality.

How will such a society come about?, asks Berkman.

To him, the idea is the thing. People must want fundamental change. They must want a revolutionary change before they can achieve a social revolution. And they must prepare for a social revolution. Unlike some anarchists, Berkman does not put much faith in spontaneous uprisings, although he does not reject them on principle. Indeed, he says “we know that revolution begins with street disturbances and outbreaks; it is the initial phase which involves force and violence”. Such a phase is of short duration. According to Berkman, “the social revolution can take place only by means of the general strike”. The general strike is the revolution. (All emphasis in the original). And such a strike can only be carried out by workers organised in labour, or industrial, unions. In his last chapter Berkman assumes that such a revolution would have to be defended by “armed force” if necessary

This, very briefly, is Alexander Berkman's case for anarchist-communism and revolution. Is it desirable, and would it work? The answer is “yes” and “no”. The Socialist Party advocates and is organised for the establishment of a world-wide system of production solely for use and the abolition of the wages system; such a society would, of necessity, replace government over people by democratic administration of things. Unlike Berkman and the anarchist-communists, however, socialists claim that such actions as insurrection and a general strike by workers would not, and could not, bring about a socialist society. In our view (but not held by this writer 30 years ago!), the working class must organise consciously and politically first, for the conquest of the powers of government, before it can convert private property in the means of production into common property.

Nevertheless, the ABC of Anarchism by Alexander Berkman should be read by all those interested in what anarchists in general, and anarchist-communists in particular, stand for.